Enab Baladi – Khaled al-Jeratli
The demands of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) from the new Syrian government have delayed the negotiation process between the two sides. However, the agreement last March between them suggested that the issues had been resolved, while the SDF’s movements and demands for its presence as a unified military block within the new Syrian army continued.
While the SDF is supposed to move toward integration into Syrian state institutions, it continues its military movements, recruitment operations, and the graduation of military courses, which raises serious questions about the future of the agreement between it and Damascus.
The agreement that brought Abdi and al-Sharaa together last March stipulated the integration of the SDF into the Ministry of Defense and the inclusion of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) into the official state institutions, but it did not halt the traditional military activities of the SDF.
Since the signing of the agreement, there has been an increase in training activities, recruitment announcements, and the graduation of military courses, revealing the SDF’s insistence on maintaining its current military structure, despite the publicly announced path toward integration with the Syrian army.
Intensive activities on the ground
Just 13 days after signing the agreement between the transitional Syrian president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, and the commander of the SDF, Mazloum Abdi, the SDF launched intensive military training in al-Hasakah on March 23, which was considered a clear indication that the agreement did not halt or freeze activities.
Later, specifically on April 14, the leadership of the military academies affiliated with the SDF in the Euphrates region announced the opening of two training courses in the city of Raqqa while negotiations were still in their early stages regarding the mechanism of integration and the transfer of powers.
On May 5, the SDF issued a promotional announcement inviting youth to join the Self-Protection Forces, using clear mobilizing language that stated: “For a country that enjoys security and stability, be the true support for your land and people (…) be part of the shield of the homeland.”
Also, on May 13, the SDF announced the graduation of two new military courses in the city of al-Tabqa, through the Kurdish Front Forces affiliated with it, which included 70 fighters. The announcement came alongside an escalation in the media discourse about ongoing security threats, especially from Turkey.
On May 18, the SDF published a new recruitment announcement with a direct title: “Be a fighter in the Syrian Democratic Forces to participate in building the future of modern Syria,” reflecting a political and military direction to continue organizational expansion, with a focus on giving youth a role in shaping the future of the region.
On May 21, the martyr Jayan Academy affiliated with the SDF announced the graduation of a special course for special forces that included 64 fighters, which raises the total number of fighters announced by the SDF to have graduated since last March to more than 130 elements, in addition to new recruits currently in training.
SDF restructures itself and strengthens its negotiation position
The overall scene regarding the al-Sharaa-Abdi agreement remains ambiguous, as not much detail has emerged about it to date, while the parties are slowly progressing and complaining of violations for which both sides exchange accusations.
AANES accuses the new Syrian government of being “exclusionary,” even though it is trying to reach an understanding with it, while the government considers the SDF’s demands a threat to the country’s unity.
Nawar Shaaban, a researcher at the Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies, believes that the SDF’s continued recruitment of fighters and organization of training courses reflects a clear desire to maintain its internal cohesion and present itself as a united force capable of defending the areas it controls amid political and military changes.
Shaaban told Enab Baladi that these actions are not only aimed at rebuilding human capacity but also represent an attempt to strengthen leverage at the negotiation table with the Syrian government, especially since the SDF seeks to enter as a unified block into the structure of the Syrian army without disintegration.
Over the past months, the SDF has demanded to integrate into the Syrian Ministry of Defense as a single military block, stationed in the areas it currently controls, which the government has repeatedly rejected in recent months.
Shaaban indicated that the disagreement between the two parties remains ongoing, particularly regarding weapons and leadership, as the SDF insists on retaining its arms, while Damascus refuses any formula that allows for the existence of an independent military entity within the regular army.
Shaaban stated that the SDF’s ongoing military activities constitute an “alternative plan” in anticipation of the failure of the agreement or the difficulty of its implementation, especially amid ongoing security threats from the Islamic State group and Turkish pressures.
Efforts to ensure survival
After the first photo emerged featuring al-Sharaa and Abdi on March 10, the Syrian Presidency published the text of the agreement to cease fire across all Syrian territories, and to integrate civil and military institutions in northeastern Syria into the administration of the Syrian state, including border crossings and oil and gas fields.
According to the text, which consisted of eight points, the two sides agreed to reject calls for division, hate speech, and attempts to incite sedition among all components of Syrian society.
Osama Sheikh Ali, a researcher at the Omran Center for Strategic Studies, told Enab Baladi that the points of agreement between the SDF and the Syrian government remain general, and that discussions on the specific details have not yet effectively started; for this reason, follow-up committees have been formed.
He explained that the SDF did not agree to dissolve its forces, but proposed that these forces be integrated into the Syrian army by forming a corps or two military divisions that would officially belong to the army, but would retain a separate organizational structure.
Sheikh Ali views this proposal as a very important negotiating point, as the SDF does not seek to abandon its structures, but rather to repurpose them within an official framework that guarantees its survival and influence.
He noted that the ongoing recruitment and training operations carried out by the SDF in northeastern Syria, along with ongoing US support for the SDF in efforts to combat the Islamic State, grant the SDF a broader margin for maneuver and a greater capacity to continue without strict adherence to immediate integration steps.
The researcher believes that the messages the SDF aims to convey to its popular base include reaffirming that it “remains strong” and will not dissolve into the Syrian military institution but will be an active part of it on its own terms, and not as separate individuals.
Apparent integration
Amid ongoing military movements and recruitment operations, both researchers believe that the SDF is pursuing a dual strategy: publicly moving toward integration while maintaining its military and organizational capabilities intact and increasing.
While Damascus seeks to dismantle independent military structures, the SDF is heading toward consolidating a military reality that is difficult to dismantle, relying on external support and the reality of effective control on the ground.
The implementation of the agreement remains contingent upon the ability of both parties to overcome disagreements regarding leadership and structure, which does not seem close in the foreseeable future, amid each party’s insistence on solidifying its gains before any final step.
Despite agreement with Damascus, SDF continues recruitment and training Enab Baladi.
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