Syria and Lebanon redraw borders by land and sea ...Syria

Hussam al-Mahmoud | Hassan Ibrahim

The new Syrian administration has inherited from the Assad regime, along with the devastated country, the crumbling economy, and the political isolation it is working to break, a series of unresolved political issues and distorted relationships with neighboring countries, along with problems that Assad dealt with during his rule by procrastination and delay rather than addressing them head-on.

Among these issues that have clearly emerged after the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad’s regime is the delineation of land and maritime borders between Syria and Lebanon. The neighboring country found an opportunity to deal with this issue following the political change in Syria, after several demands were made by Lebanese politicians to the Assad regime for this purpose, but they were met with disregard.

A set of security and political changes has currently placed this issue at the forefront of priorities. Border tensions between the two countries, along with repeated attempts at smuggling weapons and drugs, in addition to the chaos at the border and illegal crossings, have all prompted high-level communications, regional mediation, and international efforts to move forward with border demarcation.

Enab Baladi discusses in this report the efforts to delineate the borders between Syria and Lebanon, the obstacles faced, and the opportunities ahead. It also talks with a group of researchers about the future of this file and the possibility of achieving tangible progress in it, after being stuck for decades under the rule of the Assad family in Syria.

Since last March, the frequency of clashes along the border between Syria and Lebanon has escalated. Clashes occurred between forces belonging to the Syrian Ministry of Defense and elements suspected of belonging to the Lebanese militia of Hezbollah, specifically in the town of Housh al-Sayyid Ali in the countryside of al-Qusayr, west of Homs, close to the Lebanese border, resulting in the killing of three Syrian army personnel after being abducted and executed inside Lebanon.

Hezbollah denied its involvement in the clashes, and the Lebanese army intervened in the matter, with the issue ending temporarily in an agreement between the Syrian and Lebanese armies. However, this does not mean the end. On April 25, the Syrian army responded to shells fired by groups from Hezbollah on the border.

Syria’s official news agency (SANA) quoted a source in the Ministry of Defense stating that Hezbollah militias fired several shells from Lebanese territory toward the positions of the Syrian Arab Army in the al-Qusayr region west of Homs, noting that the Syrian army forces responded immediately by targeting the sources of fire after detecting the sites from which the five rockets were launched.

Lebanese official media reported that eight Syrian refugees were injured due to an explosion from a car bomb in the border town of Housh al-Sayyid Ali, while the Lebanese army stated that gunfire exchanged occurred in the Hermel area at the Lebanese-Syrian border after firing from the Lebanese side toward Syrian territory due to disputes over smuggling operations. The army command also made intensive contacts with the Syrian authorities, which led to containing the escalation.

In addition to the security tensions, attempts to smuggle weapons from Syria to Lebanon seem to be ongoing, as evidenced by repeated announcements from the Lebanese army in this regard. On April 11, there was an arrest of a Lebanese individual for his involvement, along with others, in smuggling weapons and ammunition from inside Syria.

Furthermore, a patrol from the Lebanese intelligence, in collaboration with a unit from the army, conducted a raid in the town of Ayha Marj al-Tout, part of the Border Beqaa governorate, resulting in the arrest of two Lebanese citizens and the confiscation of military weapons and a quantity of ammunition.

These destabilizing operations, which are part of a continuous cycle since the fall of the Assad regime and the targeting of the new Syrian administration regarding border chaos and the smuggling of drugs and weapons across both sides, have pushed for political movements to reach an agreement to address the issue. Consequently, Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam visited Damascus and met with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa on April 14.

At the end of the visit, Salam stated that its goal was to open a new chapter in the course of relations between the two countries based on mutual respect, restoring trust, good neighborliness, and preserving the sovereignty of Syria and Lebanon, without interfering in internal affairs, as the decision of Syria is for the Syrians and the decision of Lebanon is for the Lebanese.

He also mentioned that discussions were held on controlling the borders and crossings and preventing smuggling leading to border demarcation by land and sea, based on the meeting in Jeddah between the two defense ministers, under Saudi auspices.

Additionally, they discussed facilitating the safe and dignified return of Syrian refugees to their territory and homes, with UN assistance, as well as the fate of missing and detained Lebanese in Syria, and requesting Syrian authorities to assist in handing over those wanted for justice in Lebanon.

On March 27, Saudi Arabia hosted a meeting between Syrian Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra and Lebanese Minister Michel Menassa, with the participation of Saudi counterpart Khalid bin Salman bin Abdulaziz.

At that time, an agreement was signed in which both sides affirmed the strategic importance of demarcating borders between the two countries, the formation of legal and specialized committees between them in several fields, and activating coordination mechanisms between both sides to address security and military challenges, especially regarding what may arise on their borders. They also agreed to hold a follow-up meeting in Saudi Arabia in the coming period.

Syrian army forces preparing to expel Hezbollah elements from the town of Housh al-Sayyid Ali in the countryside of al-Qusayr, west of Homs – March 17, 2025 (SANA)

The length of the land border between Syria and Lebanon spans 375 kilometers, interspersed with numerous overlapping points on either side, along with countless illegal crossings and tribal connections between residents on both sides—factors all leveraged to facilitate smuggling operations in both directions.

In May 2006, the Security Council adopted Resolution “1680,” complementing Resolution “1559,” which calls for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Lebanon. This new resolution encouraged the Assad regime to respond to a Lebanese request to demarcate the borders of the two countries, but the Assad regime paid no attention to these demands.

Frederic C. Hof, the former US envoy to Syria, noted in an article published on April 7, 2021, about a meeting he held with Bashar al-Assad on February 28, 2011, stating that Assad insisted on considering the Shebaa Farms and Kfar Shouba Hills as Syrian territory, despite Hezbollah’s portrayal of the issue of these occupied areas as a pretext to maintain its weapons after Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000.

During that period, Hezbollah adopted the slogan “the resistance is not over yet,” referencing the demand for the seven Shiite villages that were separated in northern Palestine from related communities through the Anglo-French delineation of Greater Lebanon and Palestine.

When the United Nations verified the complete Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon in June 2000, Hezbollah claimed that parts of the Golan Heights occupied by Israel included several farms and pastures belonging to the residents of the Lebanese village of Shebaa, asserting that these were Lebanese lands.

Since the Assad regime seeks to continue the “resistance,” it agreed with Hezbollah’s narrative, as mentioned in a phone call between the then Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk al-Sharaa and former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan on May 16, 2000.

More than two decades on, former Lebanese Foreign Minister Gibran Bassil stated that he sent over 20 official letters to the relevant parties concerning the matter in Syria and Lebanon from 2010 to 2017, urging them to resolve the conflict, yet received no response.

With the fall of the Assad regime and the formation of a new government in Lebanon, alongside the decline of Hezbollah’s influence and political presence, Lebanon is leading diligent efforts to achieve progress in border demarcation.

Lebanese Future Movement leader Mustafa Alloush clarified to Enab Baladi that the border issue is complex with multiple challenges for historical, geographical, political, social, and economic reasons, all of which require dialogue and cooperation between the two countries to ensure rights and interests amicably, especially as the political reasons that previously hindered these understandings have theoretically vanished.

According to Alloush, reaching a resolution will require patience and careful consideration that goes beyond security issues. It also involves finding mutual interests in managing and demarcating the borders, creating economic and developmental alternatives on both sides, and enhancing economic cooperation between the two countries to achieve the desired stability, necessitating amicable border demarcation while ensuring the rights of people on both sides.

Any agreement between the parties requires goodwill, which was absent during the Baath regime; instead, there were attempts at annexation, political subjugation, and economic and security exploitation. From Lebanon’s side, political realism, national, and economic interests demand goodwill from its new leadership, especially after decreasing Iranian militia dominance over decision-making.

Mustafa Alloush, a leader in the Lebanese Future Movement

It is certain that the new Lebanese authority desires and hopes to rid itself of the stigma of the “Iranian party” (referring to Hezbollah), according to Alloush, not only for the sake of normal relations with Syria but also to repair relations with the Arab world and the international community. This requires serious and trustful cooperation with the new Syrian state to resolve outstanding issues, deliver those wanted for justice, and ensure that no aggressions are enacted by either country against the other.

Alloush spoke of an “unprecedented opportunity” to settle long-standing issues and stressed the necessity of seizing this opportunity without delay.

“Out of place”

Lebanese military expert Naji Malaeb pointed out in an interview with Enab Baladi that there are seven villages in Syrian territory whose residents are Lebanese, some of whom hold dual citizenship. For residents of these villages, crossing the border is a daily occurrence, a situation exploited by organized smuggling gangs, especially before the production of Captagon, with smuggling based on the needs of each country.

Following the US sanctions on the Assad regime, smuggling gangs, backed by Hezbollah and local tribes, formed a “paradise of smuggling” for the Assad regime, based on weapons and Captagon. The Lebanese authority coincided with the militia-state represented by Hezbollah, which had become more powerful than the state, particularly as former President Michel Aoun came to power allied with Hezbollah, according to Malaeb.

Lebanon hopes to address the core issue concerning the borders of Shebaa Farms and Kfar Shouba Hills, specifically the withdrawal of Israel from the five hills and from Shebaa Farms and Kfar Shouba Hills, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement of 1949 between Israel and Lebanon, which is included in Resolution “1701” that mandates the withdrawal of all foreign armies from Lebanon.

The previous Syrian regime dealt with the border demarcation indifferently, as it needed support from Hezbollah in its fight against the Syrian opposition. Today, with a new situation in Syria, the interventions by Iranian groups are no longer acceptable, and the Lebanese call for border demarcation is out of place, as there are still numerous Syrian refugees in northern Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley, forming a significant pressure group. Many issues must be addressed before considering border demarcation, including the weapons outside state control in Lebanon, specifically Hezbollah’s weapons, which it continues to hold onto.

Syrian army troops prepare to expel Hezbollah elements from the town of Housh al-Sayyid Ali in the western al-Qusayr countryside of Homs – March 17, 2025 (SANA)

The delineation of Syria’s maritime boundaries is one of the complex and challenging regional issues due to the overlap of economic zones, oil and gas exploration projects in the Mediterranean Sea, and the intersecting and conflicting interests of countries and their allies.

In 2010, the US Geological Survey (USGS) estimated the average recoverable reserves from the Levant Basin in the Mediterranean, bordered by Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Turkey, and Israel, at 1.7 billion barrels of oil and 122 trillion cubic feet of natural gas.

In 2005, the Norwegian company “INSEIS” conducted 2D seismic surveys in agreement with the Syrian Oil Company, covering 5,000 kilometers in length over an area of 10,000 square kilometers. In 2011, the French company “CGG Veritas,” which acquired “INSEIS,” released its report on this survey.

The report stated that Syria’s maritime area is geologically complex, situated over the tectonic boundaries between the African and Eurasian plates, confirming the existence of three sedimentary basins along the Syrian coast, and noting that the survey analysis results were “encouraging,” indicating the presence of oil and gas deposits.

The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) of 1982 is the globally recognized framework that addresses all issues related to maritime law, which neither Syria, Turkey, nor Israel has ratified.

Key features of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea:

Turkey shifts delineation and raises concerns

The issue of delineation was activated by Turkey two weeks after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, through the Minister of Transport and Infrastructure, Abdulkadir Uraloğlu, who confirmed his country’s intention to initiate negotiations with Syria for delineating maritime boundaries in the Mediterranean, considering that such a deal would allow both countries to define their sphere of influence in energy exploration.

Uraloğlu linked the possibility of working on an agreement to the existence of authority in Syria first, affirming that any future agreement would be in line with international law, while his statements did not receive an official response from Syria.

The Turkish announcement raised objections and concerns from Greece and Cyprus, prompting them to heighten alertness and readiness to cooperate within Europe to address a potential scenario involving the delineation of an exclusive economic zone between Turkey and Syria, especially since Turkey had concluded a similar maritime agreement with Libya in 2019, which the European Union regarded as a violation of international law, escalating tensions at that time between Ankara and Athens.

The governments of Greece and Cyprus considered that any agreement between Turkey and Syria should be based on international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and are currently leading “carefully coordinated diplomatic efforts” to attract the European Union’s attention regarding the potential agreement between Turkey and Syria, considering that the agreement overlooks Cyprus’s sovereign rights.

As for Israel, it is not a direct party in the negotiations for maritime boundary delineation between Syria and Lebanon or between Syria and Turkey, and no official statement has been issued from it. However, concerns are raised about the growing Turkish influence in Syria.

According to an article by Israeli officer Amit Yagur (head of the Northern Sector in the Naval Intelligence), the Turkish intervention in Syria poses a threat to Israel, including intentions to begin negotiations for establishing maritime boundaries with it, as it is highly likely that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s plans include reviving the Turkish dream and turning Turkey into a hub for marketing gas to Europe.

Shipping activity at the Port of Tartus – April 22, 2025 (Tartus governorate)

The Assad regime and successive Lebanese governments have not reached a solution to the dispute over the demarcation of maritime borders between Syria and Lebanon, primarily concerning the area within “Block No. 1” in Syria’s exclusive economic zone, which conflicts with Lebanese maps over an area of 750 square kilometers, as it overlaps with “Block No. 1” and “Block No. 2” from the Lebanese side.

The dispute has resurfaced with any move from either party, whether through statements or granting licenses to companies for oil or gas exploration in the Mediterranean waters. This includes when the Syrian side granted a license to the Russian company “Capital” for oil exploration in March 2021, which was the second of its kind, following the first agreement with Russia for exploration in December 2013.

Lebanon considered this a “violation of its maritime sovereignty,” with the head of the Lebanese Forces Party, Samir Geagea, accusing the former Syrian regime of “encroaching” on 750 square kilometers of Lebanon’s maritime borders, and threatened to resort to the International Court of Justice if negotiations failed.

On the other hand, the head of the Free Patriotic Movement in Lebanon (former Foreign Minister) Gibran Bassil stated in April 2021 that he had sent over 20 official letters to relevant authorities in Syria and Lebanon from 2010 to 2017, urging them to resolve the dispute, without receiving a response.

The Syrian side has been less enthusiastic about the demarcation issue, with its positions ranging from official indifference to Lebanese statements, objections to proposals, indications of working on demarcation, and making contacts with Lebanese officials regarding this matter, without any tangible progress.

In 2022, Lebanon and Israel reached an agreement to demarcate their maritime borders after a two-year US mediation, which Israel described as “historic,” as it would allow both parties to explore for gas and oil in the disputed area of the territorial waters.

At that time, Syria welcomed the agreement and was aware of its various details, making maritime demarcation with Lebanon “possible,” thus facilitating the issue of extracting Syrian gas from the disputed maritime blocks with Lebanon, according to a report by the Lebanese Aljoumhouria newspaper. However, the demarcation between the two countries was not completed, and Damascus declined to receive the Lebanese delegation to discuss the maritime border demarcation due to “prior commitments.”

Enab Baladi contacted the public relations office in the Syrian government for clarifications on the government’s stance regarding Turkish calls for maritime border demarcation between the two countries, its movements in this direction, and the mechanism of coordination between Syria and Lebanon on the issues of land and maritime border demarcation. However, it did not receive a response by the time this report was published.

Syrian researcher in local administration and political economy at the Omran Center for Strategic Studies, Ayman Dasuki, does not believe that the demarcation of maritime borders is on the agenda of the transitional Syrian administration, given the entangled interests and conflicts among Eastern Mediterranean countries and the fear of negative repercussions on Syria’s foreign relations and the current priorities of the Syrian administration due to moving in this direction.

Dasuki told Enab Baladi that the lack of a comprehensive strategic vision for the Syrian administration regarding its foreign policy is an important factor that reflects on the issue of maritime border demarcation.

This does not negate the transitional Syrian administration’s openness to engage in regional or bilateral frameworks to discuss the maritime border demarcation issue without currently concluding any agreements. Such engagement would enhance its legitimacy by securing a seat at the discussion table, exploring the positions and interests of countries regarding the maritime border demarcation issue, and using discussions and negotiations as a challenging arena to obtain some gains, which could help it provide a suitable ground for action when necessary, according to the researcher.

Dasuki added that maritime border demarcation between Lebanon and Syria could be more feasible compared to an agreement with Turkey, as this step may not raise major concerns among Eastern Mediterranean countries. Moreover, there is a political shift in both countries and a willingness to cooperate in resolving contentious issues, including the border file, alongside a regional role that cannot be ignored, represented by Saudi Arabia, to assist both countries in establishing a common framework to overcome their previous conflicts.

Greek researcher specializing in Middle Eastern affairs, Eva Koulouriotis, believes that the current government in Syria still considers itself a transitional government legally. Therefore, it lacks the sufficient powers to proceed with the maritime border demarcation step with Turkey or any neighboring countries. Even if this detail is overlooked, under international law, any agreement between two states regarding their maritime borders is not recognized if a third affected state opposes it.

Koulouriotis noted the existence of two concerned states in the maritime border issue between Syria and Turkey: Cyprus and Lebanon. Nicosia has yet to reach comprehensive agreements with Northern Cyprus that include the island’s political and geographical future, especially with the current government in Northern Cyprus adopting a decision for separation, which Nicosia rejects.

Koulouriotis told Enab Baladi that this ambiguous situation in Cyprus hinders solving contentious files with Turkey, including maritime borders, thus making it unlikely to reach separate understandings regarding the island’s political future. Therefore, any move in the maritime border demarcation file between Turkey and Syria is likely to be met with rejection from Nicosia, with Athens supporting this opposition.

According to Koulouriotis, the Turkish government is aware of these complexities but its vision is based on obtaining a memorandum of understanding with Damascus, similar to the one signed with Libya in late 2019, which was registered with the United Nations in September 2020, despite Greek objections.

Koulouriotis believes that through the memorandum of understanding between Ankara and Damascus, Turkey could improve its negotiating position against Greece and Cyprus in light of any future discussions about maritime borders between the three countries.

Political economy researcher Yahya al-Sayed Omar mentioned that gas reserves in the Eastern Mediterranean are substantial and belong to several countries, including Syria, Turkey, Greece, Cyprus, Lebanon, and Egypt, with potential economic rights for Libya as well.

The researcher currently ruled out determining each country’s share of the Eastern Mediterranean gas reserves, as exploration cannot begin before demarcating maritime borders between the related countries. He pointed out several obstacles, the most important of which is that all countries must be signatories to the Law of the Sea Agreement, as the agreement would define each state’s territorial and economic waters.

Another obstacle is the Turkish-Greek dispute over maritime borders, which may prevent Syria from commencing gas exploration, as this dispute obstructs the demarcation process in the entire region, according to al-Sayed Omar.

Quintuple meeting… “A complex file”

In March, discussions regarding maritime border demarcation were present during a five-way phone meeting that included Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, French President Emmanuel Macron, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides, and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis.

The outcome of the meeting was that all supported the maritime border demarcation of Syria based on international maritime law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, taking into consideration the interests of neighboring European countries and committing to establish appropriate committees to achieve this goal.

Syria’s gas wealth in the Eastern Mediterranean could provide economic and strategic value to the country; however, in the near term, conditions do not seem conducive for starting investment in this wealth.

Yahya al-Sayed Omar, Political economy researcher

Greek researcher specializing in Middle Eastern affairs, Eva Koulouriotis, believes that reaching an agreement with the concerned countries in the Eastern Mediterranean is highly complex. The maritime border issue between Greece and Turkey, despite established understandings that date back to the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, has resurfaced between the two countries for nearly two decades. Despite numerous negotiation rounds, moving from Geneva to Vienna and then to direct negotiations, the file remains stalled and recurs periodically.

Despite all these complexities, assuming these issues are resolved and maritime borders are demarcated between Turkey, Syria, Cyprus, and Lebanon, the economic and geopolitical significance of the entire region is paramount. All research related to this area confirms the existence of large quantities of natural gas, potentially making these countries important players in the global gas market. Additionally, the demarcation would facilitate the establishment of gas pipelines between the Middle East and Europe, according to the researcher.

Damascus must address the issue of maritime border demarcation in a practical and sensitive manner to avoid making it a source of tension in relations between Damascus and other countries. The issue of maritime border demarcation between Turkey and Syria is a direct factor affecting the positions of both countries, especially since Turkish officials have repeatedly spoken about efforts by Ankara to move forward with border demarcation with Damascus.

Eva Koulouriotis, Middle East affairs specialist researcher

Syrian researcher in local administration and political economy at the Omran Center for Strategic Studies, Ayman Dasuki, believes that if maritime border demarcation between Syria, Turkey, and Lebanon is achieved, despite the economic benefits and gains it may bring to Syria, its realization remains doubtful given the complex situation in the Eastern Mediterranean and the prevailing division. However, its geopolitical implications would be clearer in terms of reinforcing Turkey’s role as a player in the Eastern Mediterranean gas equations and the implications of this on Syria and its relations with Eastern Mediterranean countries.

Syria and Lebanon redraw borders by land and sea Enab Baladi.

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