Enab Baladi – Omar Alaa Eldin
News of the Syrian security forces arresting leaders in the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement on April 22 shook Syrian and Arab circles.
Reactions varied from supporters of the idea on the assumption that the Islamic Jihad movement has close ties with Iran and that the arrest occurred based on allegations of “collaboration with it,” to those who described the decision as “a betrayal of Palestinian blood,” as stated by Palestinian affairs researcher Saeed Ziad on his account on the “X” platform.
A leader in the Islamic Jihad movement (who did not disclose his identity) denied to the Saudi Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper that the matter is related to Iran, stating, “The relationship of the (Islamic Jihad) movement with Iran is known to everyone, and communication occurs only between the leadership of the movement and Iran, not between members of the movement and Iran,” emphasizing that “the members do not have direct contact with Iran.”
Aside from the Islamic Jihad movement, which limits its work in Syria to humanitarian and relief efforts, as it claims, the fate of Palestinian factions in the country remains a point of question, especially since these factions have a strong presence in Palestinian camps in Syria.
In this report, Enab Baladi seeks answers regarding the fate of Palestinian factions in Syria amid regional and international pressures exerted on Damascus for their expulsion.
American demands and Syrian response
On April 19, the Saudi magazine “Al-Majalla” leaked eight American conditions for lifting sanctions on Syria and restoring diplomatic relations, including “issuing a general official declaration prohibiting all Palestinian militias and political activities and expelling their members, to alleviate Israeli concerns.”
Following this, there was a Syrian response via a four-page letter to the United States, revealed by Reuters on April 26, stating that the transitional Syrian president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, has formed a committee “to monitor the activities of Palestinian factions,” and that armed factions outside of state control will not be allowed to operate.
If this leak is accurate, according to researcher Orabi Abdel Hay Orabi who specializes in Islamic group affairs, it indicates the authorities’ intention to fully control the Palestinian file and monitor the activities of the factions, limiting them to political activities.
This matter has two dimensions, according to Orabi in his discussion with Enab Baladi: the first is internal, which indicates that weapons outside state control are no longer acceptable, while the external dimension suggests that the new Syria is not a platform for organized military blackmail against neighboring countries.
For his part, Palestinian affairs researcher Dr. Wissam Afifa sees that the relationship between the Syrian administration and Palestinian factions is being redefined based on criteria that establish the foundations of a new regime reflecting the interests of the Syrian people, and “avoiding any political exploitation of the Palestinian issue as was the case in previous decades.”
Nevertheless, the process of sorting appears fraught with risks, according to Afifa’s comments to Enab Baladi, especially amid regional and international pressures that may be exerted on Damascus to rearrange its alliances according to agendas that extend beyond the presence of factions in Syria, to “attempts to draw it into normalization with the entity (Israel) in exchange for gaining international legitimacy.”
In this climate, Palestinian factions face an existential challenge between their long heritage in their relationship with the fallen regime and accommodating themselves to the new reality under the Syrian revolution’s authority, which has always emphasized its supportive relationship with the Palestinian issue prior to coming to power, viewing it as a liberation project that restores the historical relationship with Syria, according to Afifa.
There is concern, according to the Palestinian researcher, that these factions may pay a heavy political price under pressure from international parties or regional settlements that do not take into account the particularities of the Palestinian situation in Syria but use it as a bargaining chip to exert pressure on the Damascus authority.
Presence without activity
The researcher and executive director of the Jusoor for Studies Center, Wael Alwan, believes that the new regime in Syria will not allow movements that harm Syrian national interests, especially those that may be driven by non-national agendas at the Arab level, describing the new administration’s decision as “wise.”
Palestinian factions will not be allowed to operate in Syria, particularly in security and military capacities, as this would impact the new Syria’s relations with regional and international parties, according to Alwan’s remarks to Enab Baladi.
This view is shared by Syrian political analyst Bassam Abu Adnan, who described the presence of Palestinian factions in Syria as “harmful,” even though their presence remains “very symbolic” for the Palestinian issue.
Abu Adnan believes that factions that stood with the “Iranian axis against the Syrian people” should cease their activities in Syria, from an ethical standpoint and to preserve the historical relations between the two countries, without causing further embarrassment for the government in Damascus.
No Palestinian groups have participated as “factions” in the Syrian revolution, as per the researcher at the Jusoor for Studies Center, Wael Alwan, who asserted that this participation was limited to popular and individual levels, explaining that the motivation for participation stemmed from the regime of Baath itself, which has mistreated Palestinians and exploited their cause for decades.
According to Alwan, there will be no differentiation between one faction and another, as all Palestinian factions will be prevented from engaging in any security, military, or organizational actions, but they will be allowed to conduct civil work. This argument was also supported by Syrian political analyst Bassam Abu Adnan, who predicted the dissolution of all these factions and a prohibition on their political activities.
Map of Palestinian faction presence
Currently, the Palestinian presence in Syria is limited to the Islamic Jihad movement (humanitarian and relief efforts) and factions affiliated with the Palestine Liberation Organization (Fatah Movement) as they are recognized as part of the Palestinian Authority.
Before the regime’s fall, the Palestinian presence consisted of approximately 20 Palestinian factions, according to the Jusoor Center, some of which had political and military presence, while others had only a political presence.
These factions differ from each other in terms of funding sources, degree of affiliation with the Syrian regime, effectiveness in Palestine, and positioning after the Gaza war, which erupted following the Al-Aqsa Flood operation on October 7, 2023.
Some Palestinian factions enjoyed close relations with the Assad regime, being considered part of its security apparatus upon which they relied for funding and armament, including:
The Galilee Forces. The Return and Liberation Brigades. The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP). The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC). The Fatah al-Intifada Movement. Al-Quds Brigade. The Popular Committees. The As-Sa’iqa Organization – the military wing of the Palestinian Baath Party. The Palestinian Popular Struggle Front (PPSF). Free Palestine Movement.Meanwhile, the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) has had no political or military representation during the previous years in Syria due to its position on the revolution. Despite the involvement of Palestinian factions loyal to the Assad regime in committing various crimes, most of them have not left Syrian territory following the regime’s fall, with only some first and second-tier leaders having fled.
On December 28, 2024, the Al-Araby Al-Jadeed newspaper reported, citing a source in the Fatah al-Intifada Movement, that military operations management had seized the military headquarters of the As-Sa’iqa Organization in the Abbasiyin area of Damascus, as well as Ahmad Jibril’s office, in addition to the office of Colonel Ziyad al-Saghir, who is responsible for the Fatah al-Intifada Movement.
Meanwhile, leaders of Palestinian groups that emerged with the outbreak of the Syrian revolution fled to Lebanon in an attempt to regularize their status with the new authorities in Damascus after handing over camps and withdrawing all weapons, limiting themselves to carrying individual firearms within their offices.
However, the Quds Press platform reported from Palestinian media sources that the new Syrian authorities placed several leaders of Palestinian factions who fought alongside the regime under house arrest in Damascus, including Mohammed Said (commander of the Palestinian al-Quds Brigade), indicating that these measures are temporary.
Conversely, a number of Palestinian factions have taken organizational measures, as the Popular Front – General Command announced the suspension of Khalid Jibril’s membership from the Central Committee due to serious organizational and financial violations and referred him to an investigation committee, according to the Action Group for Palestinians of Syria (AGPS).
The Secretary-General of the Fatah al-Intifada Movement also froze the work of the Central Committee of the movement, expelling two prominent leaders, namely Ramid Abu Hani in Lebanon and Yasser Abu Omar in Syria, due to violations of the movement’s regulations. Additionally, the Central Committee of the movement dismissed Ziad Odeh al-Saghir “Abu Yasser” from the position of Secretary-General due to organizational violations.
As for the As-Sa’iqa Organization, it removed the name of the Baath party from its official identifiers to solely refer to the As-Sa’iqa Organization, while the Secretary-General of the organization announced the reformation of the organization’s leadership to enhance its Palestinian role.
The Free Palestine Movement resumed its humanitarian work after the fall of the previous regime, directed at Palestinian refugees in Syria, and announced its disavowal of figures who had led the movement, namely Saeed Abdel Aal and Abdul Qader Haifawi, as they were not official representatives of the movement, asserting that their appointment was at the hands of the previous Syrian regime.
Palestinian factions in Syria: A fate dictated by politics Enab Baladi.
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