Biden, of course, will have no say over how or if that goal will be met, and the pledge doesn’t legally obligate the U.S. to actually work toward it. The Paris Agreement only requires that countries periodically submit new goals known as “nationally determined contributions,” and the announcement this week marked America’s formal submission of that new benchmark. Trump and his allies, meanwhile, have promised to once again pull the U.S. out of the Paris Agreement once he takes office next month, dismantle rules that help reduce emissions, and purge the federal workforce of virtually anyone whose job title includes the word “climate.”
The rush to subsidize AI has been inspired in large part by the pitch—made mostly by tech companies—that the U.S. faces some grave national security threat if it doesn’t give these tech companies everything they want, now. “China, fixated on seizing the lead by 2030, is building faster—harnessing government-controlled data and increasing its production of chips and energy,” OpenAI warned in a white paper presented to administration officials this fall. “Energy above all is critical to the U.S. maintaining its lead.”
The last week has showcased the broader dynamics that have characterized the Biden administration’s approach to the climate crisis: a modestly impressive decarbonization agenda described in heroic terms, routinely sabotaged by the administration’s paranoid and deeply rooted commitment to keeping the U.S. atop an unequal global order. The awkward attempt to meld these two goals has backfired, politically, failing to align new political constituencies behind the project of reducing emissions. Republicans are just as opposed to anything called climate policy as they were four years ago—however much money from the Inflation Reduction Act flows into their districts. Sweeping rhetoric about U.S. climate leadership is still mostly just that: rhetoric. And while those climate talking points will leave the White House when Biden does, the next Trump administration will inherit a stronger practical set of tools for attacking an ever-expanding list of U.S. enemies, tailor-made for them by the Biden administration: a cruel, bloated sanctions regime; expanded tariffs on China; a far-right Israeli government given a blank check for atrocities and violent territorial expansion; and now, a template for relaxing environmental regulations to please tech companies.
Whether Democrats have adopted these classically Republican positions to win over swing voters or because they share the GOP’s values doesn’t really matter. The Biden White House’s longest-lasting legacy won’t be that he subsidized automakers to build some more electric vehicles or announced an unenforceable climate goal. It will be making the world a more dangerous place and handing Trump and his corporate allies the tools to continue that process.
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