In their quest to win back working-class voters and compete in battleground states, many Democrats have convinced themselves that the best way to beat Trumpism is to copy it — at least on economics. The new playbook is built around economic populism: tariffs, industrial policy, big government checks, and a willingness to bash corporations, billionaires, and free markets in the same breath. But while this might make for good focus group fodder, it’s a long-term loser — for the Democratic Party, and for American democracy.
MAGA populism isn’t just about economic pain; it’s about channeling that pain into resentment, isolation and authoritarian politics. When Democrats try to meet that energy with their own brand of populism — whether from the progressive left or the blue-collar center — they validate the frame that all of America’s problems are caused by “them” — elites, foreigners, corporations or coastal urbanites. This style of politics undermines democratic institutions, reduces trust in pluralistic compromise and feeds a dangerous cycle of permanent grievance.
Instead of competing with President Trump on who can rage louder against the machine, Democrats should offer an alternative vision rooted in civic renewal, economic dignity and democratic accountability. That means rejecting both laissez-faire complacency and populist demagoguery.
There is a third way — and it’s not centrism for its own sake. It’s pluralism: the idea that the best way to rebuild trust in American democracy is not by consolidating power, but by decentralizing it; not by punishing “bad guys,” but by empowering citizens; not by demonizing markets, but by making them work better for everyone.
A pluralist economic agenda would emphasize regional development over Beltway industrial policy deals. It would strengthen local entrepreneurship and cooperative ownership instead of doubling down on megaproject subsidies. It would treat tax reform as a civic obligation, not a populist weapon. And it would champion economic inclusion — especially for those left behind — without scapegoating those who succeed.
Most importantly, a pluralist agenda doesn’t treat voters as angry mobs to be mobilized but as civic equals to be empowered. That means rebuilding the institutions of public life — from unions to local media, from public schools to town halls — that allow Americans to govern together across difference.
Democrats shouldn’t try to out-populist Trump. They should remind voters that there is another American tradition: one that believes in liberty and equality, markets and justice, freedom and responsibility. That tradition is not anti-populist — but it is anti-authoritarian. And in 2026 and 2028, that distinction might be the difference between a resilient democracy and a post-liberal collapse.
Mike Michener is founder of the American Pluralist Alliance and a former senior official at USAID and USDA.
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