Enab Baladi – Khaled al-Jeratli
The fall of the Assad regime has reshaped the map of power at both the security and social levels, with the cities of Jaramana and Sahnaya emerging as models for the transformations following the harsh, centralized state imposed by the Assad family. In these locales, sectarian identities intersect with local power struggles, testing attempts to build civil and security alternatives from within the community itself.
In the absence of a central authority, which the new Syrian administration is still trying to establish, not only have vacuums emerged but also new forms of local organization that have collided with the government’s strict goals of disarming local military groups.
Although some attempts to impose stability succeeded in establishing a relative calm, they resulted in other places in events centered around displays of power and sectarian mobilization rhetoric, revealing the fragility of the balances that emerged after the fall of the regime.
Fragile agreements
With armed opposition factions under the banner of the Military Operations Administration seizing control of the Syrian capital, Damascus, announcing the fall of the Assad regime and Bashar al-Assad’s flight to Russia, military operations ceased. The new authorities began to enter villages and cities based on agreements with their residents and local factions.
In Jaramana and Sahnaya, military groups spread over the past years that were administratively linked to the National Defense supporting the previous regime’s forces; however, they took on a more local character rather than being a government-loyal military faction. Elements from these factions intervened to expel regime forces from their areas of presence in conjunction with the moves of the Military Operations Administration.
The new Syrian authorities reached agreements with the factions in Jaramana coinciding with the rebels entering Damascus, granting it some uniqueness and a deadline to hand over its weapons and integrate into the Ministries of Defense and Interior. However, the government’s desire faced resistance from these factions, which were an extension of the resistance led by the spiritual leader of the Druze community in As-Suwayda, Hikmat al-Hijri.
Later, military tensions erupted in the region due to a problem that arose between members of the General Security affiliated with the Ministry of Interior and local fighters in Jaramana. This issue was resolved with an agreement with the government, which pursued those involved in the problem and resumed its agreement with local factions.
Calm did not last long, as confrontations erupted again in Jaramana, extending to Sahnaya, which was entered by government forces on armored vehicles that took control of the area and revitalized the agreement with the Jaramana factions to hand over their weapons and integrate into government forces.
During this time, agreements and disputes were recurring in the stronghold of the Druze sect in Syria, in As-Suwayda, southern Syria, and the scene continues to repeat itself until today.
A passing agreement in southern Syria
The experience of Jaramana and Sahnaya is not different from that of As-Suwayda, as it is fraught with many issues. It was more of a necessity than an option for the Syrian government, according to researcher Amer al-Mithqal at the Syrian Dialogue Center, noting that these agreements fall within the context of how President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s government deals with the issue of minorities in general to reach peaceful and gradual solutions, despite some parties in As-Suwayda’s resistance and failure to present a viable proposal.
It cannot be claimed that any of the three Druze sheikhs in As-Suwayda represents all Druze, according to the researcher, but the two sheikhs and some entities that opened communication channels with the Syrian government, such as the leader of Madafet al-Karamah/Dignity Guesthouse, Laith al-Balous, do not want to appear in a position opposed entirely to the words of the spiritual leader of the community, Hikmat al-Hijri, due to his overall symbolic status.
Al-Mithqal considered that the Syrian government’s inability to truly control all institutions in the Druze-majority areas reflected on various aspects, particularly security, due to the spread of weapons in the hands of entities that are not subject to authority and which have rejected integration into the Ministry of Defense.
He stated that areas not controlled by the state are considered areas that lack clear legal or administrative reference. Moreover, these experiences (As-Suwayda, Sahnaya, Jaramana…) threaten to model local cantons, potentially encouraging other components to follow the same path, especially with some voices calling for self-governance, as in the Syrian coast.
The state views these demands as a threat to the national project uniting Syrians, highlighting the importance of proceeding with steps to hand over weapons in exchange for genuine guarantees of protection and justice, alongside practical steps such as integrating youth from the Druze community within the General Security Forces, according to the researcher.
On April 30, the Syrian Foreign Ministry considered that the calls issued by “illegal groups” that participated in acts of violence on Syrian territory for “international protection” are illegitimate and rejected.
The ministry stated in a statement that these appeals were launched by parties acting outside the framework of Syrian law, in a clear attempt to “internationalize” an issue that should be addressed exclusively within the Syrian state’s institutions.
Violations following control
The violations that followed any security action in Syria have been a concern for some local armed groups and have been a valid reason for them to refrain from handing over weapons, as they believe that disarming will be followed by violations potentially committed by government forces, which are still perceived today as part of a jihadist faction. This has been evident in Hikmat al-Hijri’s latest statement regarding events in Sahnaya and Jaramana.
Numerous examples of such violations have been interpreted as being based on sectarian grounds, starting from the Syrian coast and reaching southern Syria, with the latest incident occurring in Sahnaya city of rural Damascus when the city’s mayor and his son were killed following the government’s takeover of the area.
Several local media outlets, including the al-Raased page, reported that five people were field executed after the General Security entered the towns of Sahnaya and Ashrafiat Sahnaya, including the mayor and his son, although the executing party was not specified.
For its part, the local Daraa 24 website stated that armed individuals, without indicating their affiliation, stormed the home of the mayor, Hussam Warwar, and shot him and his son dead after the entry of General Security Forces.
Warwar appeared in a video recording published by the official Alikhbaria Syria channel, expressing his welcome to the entry of General Security into the town and showing cooperation, saying, “The General Security entered the town with all respect.”
Researcher Amer al-Mithqal added, during his talk with Enab Baladi, that the issue of violations by security forces is repeatedly discussed with every security operation, but it seems that the Syrian government has “somewhat managed to reduce its toll compared to the past period.”
The researcher noted that the toll of violations has decreased compared to their size during the events witnessed in the Syrian coast, with the government tightening its procedures while continuing the work of investigation committees, according to the researcher, which has resulted in a decline on the ground.
He pointed out that there is a “state of discipline” that has existed among government forces in Jaramana and Sahnaya, noting that some violations may have occurred, but they “have decreased significantly.”
He considered that the government still needs to take more practical steps to control the field performance of combatants, such as launching training programs focusing on rules of engagement, respecting civil rights, and raising legal and behavioral awareness among recruits.
National loyalties, not ideological ones
A study conducted by researchers at the Syrian Dialogue Center, Ahmed Qurabi and Amer al-Mithqal, concluded that the military doctrine of the new army in Syria should be based on protecting the homeland and citizens, away from any external loyalties or cross-border ideologies.
The study, which focused on the factional situation in Syria following the integration into the Ministry of Defense, indicated that reaching a military doctrine aimed at protecting the homeland requires rehabilitation for fighters at various levels, especially at psychological, intellectual, and ideological levels.
It highlighted the importance of prioritizing military principles of the revolution, which should revolve around the general principles of the revolution, including values of freedom, justice, and dignity, as these serve as branches stemming from that origin.
Among the main principles that should be focused on, according to the study, is protecting the will of the Syrian people in choosing their rulers from any internal or external intervention and pledging not to use weapons to impose any choice upon them, keeping the army away from the political arena in order to become a national, independent, neutral, and professional institution.
Jaramana sectarian fuse reveals fragility of new balances Enab Baladi.
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