Enab Baladi – Muwafaq al-Khouja
Following the agreement described as “historic” between the transitional Syrian president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, and the commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), Mazloum Abdi, the two parties reached another agreement related to it in Aleppo.
The Aleppo agreement, which took place on April 1, includes 14 points, including the withdrawal of SDF military forces from the neighborhoods of Ashrafiyeh and Sheikh Maqsoud to northeastern Syria, the introduction of the Ministry of Interior forces, the activation of police stations, and the release of detainees from both sides, as well as halting the pursuit of wanted individuals.
The other provisions include maintaining the identity and privacy of the two predominantly Kurdish neighborhoods, reviving services, and integrating them into the province.
The agreement between the Damascus government and the SDF forces in the neighborhoods of Aleppo is viewed as a test balloon for the overall agreement signed between al-Sharaa and Abdi on February 10, reflecting what will be implemented in the coming days.
Implementation phase
The head of the General Security Directorate in Aleppo, Major Mohammad Abdul Ghani, stated in a video recording that the agreement has come into effect from the moment of signing, considering it the first step towards implementing the comprehensive agreement.
He added that the General Security has started to implement the first practical steps, confirming that the coming days will witness the transition to practical measures followed by the organization of security conditions and then administrative and service conditions.
Abdul Ghani noted that the area had been managed differently under SDF control for nearly ten years, pointing to the existence of service and administrative staff working within the neighborhoods, which requires time for a gradual transition.
The first step that needs to occur, according to Abdul Ghani, is the withdrawal of military forces, paving the way for the correct management of security conditions.
The next step involves removing barriers and organizing security, which also helps residents return in the near term.
How AANES responded
Major Mohammad Abdul Ghani mentioned that it appears that the parties are responsive to implementing the agreement.
On the other hand, the SDF and its administrative body, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), have not officially commented on the agreement through their channels; however, an advisor to the latter, Badran Jiya Kurd, commented on it via his account on X, considering it the first stage of a broader plan.
Jiya Kurd regarded the agreement as “an important step towards enhancing stability and mutual coexistence,” while simultaneously holding the Damascus authority responsible for any threats that might face the neighborhoods.
Initial steps
As an initial step towards implementing the agreement between the two parties, the Syrian government and the SDF exchanged over 200 detainees on April 3.
In a press conference attended by Enab Baladi, Major Abdul Ghani stated that this operation is the first phase of the agreement, pointing to other operations involving more than 600 detainees from both sides, ultimately leading to the closure of prisons.
He confirmed that all parties are keen to implement the agreement and that arrangements and parallel steps are being made to evacuate the area of military personnel and remove obstacles in the near future.
On April 4, the first military convoy of the SDF headed toward northeastern Syria, accompanied by a joint convoy from the General Security and the Syrian Ministry of Defense.
The convoy consisted of dozens of vehicles transporting fighters with their individual and medium weapons, bearing the flags of the People’s Protection Units (YPG) alongside the Syrian flag.
Outside the authorities
The neighborhoods of Ashrafiyeh and Sheikh Maqsoud in the northern section of Aleppo have a unique character due to their predominantly Kurdish demographic.
Since the start of the Syrian revolution in 2011, these neighborhoods participated in protests against the previous regime, and after arming themselves and the emergence of factions entering Aleppo, the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the military wing of the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), took control of the neighborhoods alongside the opposition.
The party adopted a pro-revolution rhetoric, supporting opposition factions, despite security tensions with some of these factions that reached the point of armed clashes at times.
After 2015, with the developments in the situation and the decline of the opposition’s influence in Aleppo, the People’s Protection Units turned against the factions and began leaning towards the regime, even supporting it in an unofficial capacity.
The year 2016 was pivotal in the city’s history, as the eastern neighborhoods were besieged, limiting the opposition’s supply line into the city to the route known as “Castello,” with the regime on one side of the road and the YPG on the other.
By the end of 2016, opposition fighters and families exited after being besieged in a few neighborhoods within the city due to a large-scale military operation involving a strong regime presence and Russian support.
After the opposition’s exit, SDF forces remained in the neighborhoods, amidst understandings between them and the regime punctuated by some obstacles, although they maintained their influence.
Upon the entry of the Military Operations Administration into the city, sporadic clashes occurred in the areas surrounding the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh neighborhoods; however, a cautious calm returned to the area, with persistent sniper incidents originating from SDF areas.
These sniper operations resulted in the deaths of over 65 civilians, including a child, two women, and two humanitarian workers, according to statistics documented by the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) from the entry of the Military Operations Administration on November 30, 2024, until January 30, 2025.
Laying the groundwork for the general agreement
Researcher in Eastern Syria affairs, Samer al-Ahmad, commented that the agreement serves as a “test balloon” for the general agreement between the government and the SDF, noting that the degree of success in its implementation paves the way for the success of the general agreement between Abdi and al-Sharaa.
This sentiment is echoed by researcher Wael Alwan from the Jusoor for Studies Center, who believes that the current agreement in Aleppo has a “great positive aspect” concerning the previous agreement.
Alwan told Enab Baladi that the current agreement in Aleppo opens real opportunities towards implementing the general agreement, making it the first step in executing understandings between different forces.
He considered that the presence of correct dealings from the Syrian government and demonstrating genuine intent would strengthen the position of parties advocating for reconciliation with the Syrian government to implement the agreement with the SDF and AANES.
Obstacles
On the other hand, Alwan believes there is a division within the SDF and the parties under its umbrella, pointing to external influences on various contending components regarding their decision to engage with the Syrian government.
Researcher al-Ahmad pointed out to Enab Baladi that obstacles are likely to emerge during the implementation of the agreement.
Some of these obstacles, according to al-Ahmad, include the rejection of many elements and leaders of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) to withdraw completely from the neighborhood.
Al-Ahmad believes that the Revolutionary Youth Movement (Ciwanên Şoreşger) will maintain its presence covertly and may resort to sabotaging and disrupting the agreement.
The Revolutionary Youth is an armed group affiliated with the Democratic Union Party (PYD), licensed under AANES, and organizes military activities alongside cultural and political activities.
The Revolutionary Youth is considered an extremist wing within the SDF, and it has direct ties to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. It is accused of recruiting children and carrying out attacks on political locations in northeastern Syria.
The YPG constitutes the military backbone of the SDF and is a contentious point, with Turkish demands for its dissolution due to its perceived threat to national security.
The YPG was created in 2004, claiming it emerged as a result of “attacks from the Syrian Baath regime” that year, referring to the Baath regime’s repression of the Kurdish uprising at that time.
Internal division
Alwan sees the general scene in northeastern Syria as characterized by division, which stems from internal divisions within the Democratic Union Party and within the SDF, with the least amount of division in AANES.
He believes that the timing is not in favor of the intransigent parties within AANES, nor is it in favor of those refusing to engage with the government.
Likewise, the influence of opponents within the SDF will diminish in favor of popular, elite, and political calls from northeastern Syria, propelled by the successful model in Aleppo, which could be pressuring and influential in executing the decision.
This external factor, whether from the United States or the West in general, could assist in implementing the agreement and real participation with the Syrian government, according to Alwan.
On the other hand, Alwan stated, “We should not be overly optimistic, as that will not happen in the near future or through hasty steps; rather, it will require numerous initiatives, time, and opportunities to be implemented correctly.”
Terms of agreement between Civil Council of Ashrafiyeh and Sheikh Maqsoud and committee assigned by presidency:
The neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh are part of the city of Aleppo and will be assigned an administrator, while protection and respect for the social and cultural privacy of the neighborhoods will be activated. The provisions of this civil agreement will take effect when both the Kurdish and the central Syrian sides agree on a sustainable text. The Ministry of Interior, in coordination with security forces, will be responsible for protecting the residents of the neighborhoods and preventing any assaults against their lives. The display of armed manifestations in the neighborhoods will be prohibited, and arms will be restricted to the hands of the internal security forces associated with the Ministry of Interior in the neighborhoods. Crossings between the neighborhoods will be opened while maintaining the main checkpoints under the supervision of the internal security forces of the Ministry of Interior and the internal security in the neighborhoods. The military forces affiliated with the SDF will gradually withdraw from the neighborhoods to their positions in northeastern Syria. An internal security center will be established in each of Ashrafiyeh and Sheikh Maqsoud. No one previously pursued before the agreement will be pursued, provided they have “not stained their hands with the blood of Syrians.” A coordination committee will be formed to facilitate movement and transportation between Aleppo and northeastern Syria. Technical committees will be established to implement the agreement on the ground. Coordination between civil institutions will be ensured, providing services to the neighborhoods without discrimination compared to other neighborhoods in Aleppo through existing municipal teams. The fate of detainees from both sides in Aleppo province will be reviewed, and all prisoners captured after the liberation will be exchanged. The neighborhoods will be granted fair representation in the Aleppo Provincial Council and in commerce, industry, and other sectors, according to prevailing laws. The existing service, administrative, educational, municipal, and local councils in the neighborhoods will be maintained until the joint committees agree on a sustainable solution.
SDF-Damascus agreement in Aleppo: A test balloon for broader consensus Enab Baladi.
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