It’s no secret what Eduardo wants from Trump. His father, whose 2018 election stunned the political establishment, is barred from seeking any elected office until 2030 for using government channels to sow distrust in the country’s voting system. Worse, he could soon be facing a lengthy prison sentence for his role in plotting a conspiracy to violently overrule the results of the 2022 election, which he lost to the left-wing elder statesman Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Increasingly desperate as the walls close in, Bolsonaro and his allies haven’t been subtle: They want Trump to directly intercede on their behalf. The day after Trump’s election, Eduardo tweeted a list of grievances that his dad and Trump share (“defamed,” “attempted assassination,” “indicted”) and concluded: “2024: Trump elected. 2026: Bolsonaro (loading…).”
There is a real affinity for the Trumps among the Bolsonaros, but the stakes of Eduardo’s efforts are not just personal. A week after Lula’s inauguration on January 1, 2023, Bolsonaro supporters staged a riot in Brasília, the Brazilian capital, a destructive green-and-yellow reprise of the January 6 insurrection carried out by Trump die-hards. Authorities acted swiftly, arresting almost 1,500 people on the spot. Bolsonaro and his allies have since decried the unflinching institutional response as authoritarian. They insist that Brazil is no longer a democracy and that Supreme Court Minister Alexandre de Moraes, who has boldly confronted myriad extremist threats to the constitutional order, is a tyrant. (Moraes also faced down Elon Musk last year, forcing X to comply with Brazilian laws. In response, Musk called him “an evil dictator cosplaying as a judge.”) Eduardo is hoping to leverage hostility toward Moraes in Brazil and beyond, including among influential MAGA figures, to absolve his father. He is, in short, actively soliciting foreign interference in his country’s internal affairs.
In a statement explaining his decision to temporarily leave Congress, Eduardo asserted that he aims “to bring justice and create an environment to grant amnesty to the hostages of January 8th and to the other persecuted people who were part of the Bolsonaro government, who are paying the price for the cruelty of a psychopath [Moraes] who dreams of arresting Jair Bolsonaro.” Indeed, the Bolsonaro line has been to emphasize their abiding concern for people they consider to be political prisoners—namely, those arrested at the scene of the crime in Brasília on January 8. But the amnesty bill put forth by a key Bolsonaro ally in Congress doesn’t apply simply to those caught in the act. The language of the proposed law is broad enough, according to multiple legal experts, to benefit the former president himself. “I have no doubt that our enemies’ plan is to incarcerate [Bolsonaro] to assassinate him in prison or leave him there in perpetuity, just as would have happened with Donald Trump, if he had not been reelected now, in 2024,” Eduardo added in his statement.
In an interview after announcing his decision to leave Brazil, the congressman pointedly refused to say when he would return home — he noted he might never see his father again — and that he is weighing his options for how to legally remain in the U.S. “You no longer have weapons within Brazil to fight against Alexandre de Moraes’ arbitrary actions,” he said, insisting that he could do more to advance his voters’ main concerns from outside the country. He said he is likely to request political asylum “because I can’t rule out the possibility that Moraes might double down and try to extradite me or request my preventive detention here abroad.” He also said, however, that he is not requesting any special treatment from the Trump administration. Eduardo had reportedly told members of the Trump administration he intended to stay in the U.S., to which there was no objection. There was also, evidently, no welcome mat.
Considering that Brazilians will go to the polls next year to vote for president, the way Trump responds to the entreaties of that country’s far right will be a major test not only of U.S.-Brazil relations but of the lengths that the Trump administration will go to help authoritarian movements abroad over the next four years. From the Brazilian point of view, the stakes could not be clearer: With the elder Bolsonaro on the verge of being locked up, and polls showing Lula leading most conservative opponents next year despite a dip in his popularity, the Brazilian far right is desperate for a deus ex machina in a bright red hat.
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